An informed dissent on City Hall

Adam Chaleff-Freudenthaler has been watching City Hall for longer than I have, and while many people have responded on Twitter and elsewhere to my post yesterday about the crisis of legitimacy at City Hall, Adam has done so at length in a way that encompasses many of the objections people have raised to my diagnosis, and of my proposed cure. He posted his response on Facebook but not everybody has or wants Facebook, so with his permission I’m posting the full text of his response here.

It’s my intention to let both of these posts sit for a bit before I respond further.-JMM

Last night, OpenFile’s John McGrath published a thoughtful and elaborate 3,000 words on the legitimacy crisis going on at City Hall right now (encouraged reading). While he acknowledges that much of it is Rob Ford’s making, he finds that there is a systemic issue that would have plagued any mayor who won the 2010 election or will win in future. My view is that this is a crisis of one mayor, not every mayor.

John starts with a helpful backgrounder but I want to clarify something in it: while the City of Toronto Act bestowed more power on the City of Toronto than any other municipality, the provincial government offered no new powers whatsoever to the individual occupying the mayor’s office in the City of Toronto. The role of the mayor in the City of Toronto Act (CoTA) is for all intents and purposes identical to the role of the “head of council” (in other municipalities the head of council may be a chair, reeve, mayor, etc) in the Municipal Act, which governs every other Ontario municipality except Toronto. All of the exceptional powers granted to the mayor come by way of changes to the rules that Toronto City Council has created to govern the procedures of Toronto City Council, known as the procedural by-law.

So yes, the provincial government strengthened the City of Toronto’s powers and strongly encouraged a more powerful mayor. But it’s important to understand that the province stopped short of legislating a stronger mayor and left it up to Toronto City Council to decide just how strong a mayor it was comfortable with.

The purpose of the “stronger mayor” procedural by-law that David Miller created was clear: give the mayor enough patronage appointments to handout that, by virtue of those appointments, s/he can come within a few votes of controlling the City Hall agenda. These amendments intentionally made it easier for a mayor to build a coalition based on power rather than issue-to-issue horse trading. But council also stopped intentionally short of giving the mayor a blank cheque for four years. (Though even if it did, Ford would still be having problems as some of the people he gave patronage appointments to — Karen Stintz and John Parker, for example — have turned against him, which supports the notion that this is a Ford problem not a systemic problem.)

With that in mind, John writes: “…(W)e have an inherent conflict between two competing claims of who gets to speak for Toronto as a whole: the Mayor, who was directly elected by the city at large, or the council which was elected collectively, but in 44 parts. This is exactly the kind of problem that is common in Presidential political systems.”

And here I disagree strongly. While there is presently an individual in the mayor’s office who would like you to think there is some question as to who speaks for Toronto, there really is no question at all. The answer is council holds all of the power and there are no shades of gray that make this a complicated conclusion. Unlike in the United States where there are specific constitutional powers that rest with congress and other specific constitutional powers that rest with the president, in Toronto power only rests with city council except where council has made the decision to give the mayor more power. And that power given to the mayor by council could at any time be taken back by council. It is therefore abundantly clear that when city council decides to exercise its voice it is city council that speaks for Toronto, not the individual occupying the mayor’s office on a given day.

John then makes a case for why this system is a bad thing. He paints a picture of illegitimate decisions being made because a majority of Scarborough councillors won’t agree to council’s decision on how rapid transit should be built in that part of the city. More broadly, John says that council will “lurch” between left and right as deals are cut with centrist councillors on an issue-by-issue basis. Again, I disagree.

In the absence of leadership from the mayor, what we have seen are councillors from the middle and middle-right fill the void to create compromises on which most of council can agree. Jaye Robinson on the waterfront, Josh Colle on the budget, Ana Bailao on housing, Karen Stintz on transit. While issues like transit and waterfront have distinct impacts on particular parts of the city, at their core these are issues of city-wide importance that should not be subject to regional parochialism. On truly local issues council continues to provide deference to the local councillor. And notwithstanding the mess that could ensue next week when council debates appointees to the TTC board without defined slates proposed by the mayor or the majority of councillors that have coalesced around Stintz on transit issues, the process of finding middle-of-the-road compromises without the leadership of a mayor has been remarkably clean and well-organized.

And also recall that at every turn many councillors in the centre and centre-right have reminded the mayor that should he want to reclaim his position as leader implementing his mandate they are largely willing to follow, as they did in cutting office budgets and ending the vehicle registration tax, among other things. This isn’t a rogue council exploiting the system; this a council seeking leadership but finding that he whose job it is to provide leadership has abdicated his responsibility.

The question John then seems to ask of someone from my perspective is, If you’re going to ignore the mayor then what’s the point of having one? What we’re in now is possibly the most extreme case one could think of in this model of governance given that it has worked for mayors of all political stripes dealing with councils that were frequently more moderate in their views than the mayor of the day. In my mind, redesigning a system of governance in response to an extreme situation is a recipe for bad governance. We should continue to view our mayor as the person responsible for thinking in city-wide terms and cajoling parochial councillors and interest groups to weigh both the views of their local communities and the needs of Toronto. In doing so, our mayor should be a master facilitator, able to build consensus on his/her own agenda while including the interests of others to the greatest degree possible. If our mayor can’t do that job he should be judged harshly for his failures.

But far from accepting that we’re just in a bad situation and council is making the best of it, I think this situation speaks to the strength of our system of governance and the maturity of council as an institution. Fair to say that aside from his brother virtually no one on council holds views as extreme as the mayor’s. Yet in spite of that council worked diligently with the mayor to implement as much of his agenda as it could. When controversial issues came up and the mayor refused to reach out to create compromise, council reached out to the mayor. Repeatedly. Where council could it even went out of its way to help the mayor save face, like on the waterfront. But the situation became so dire that in spite of its desire to have a traditional relationship with its mayor, council had no choice but to take its power back. And there is every reason to believe that when this mayor or a future mayor decides to act like a mayor, council will give power back to the mayor’s office, as it should.

Posted in Uncategorized | 1 Comment

Rob Ford, the TTC, and the crisis of legitimacy at Toronto City Hall

The news broke late yesterday that Toronto Transit Commission Chair Karen Stintz—who, it’s good to remind people, was a staunch ally of Mayor Rob Ford’s as recently as early February—will ask council to dissolve the current board of commissioners at the TTC and reconstitute a new board of seven members from council and open four spaces for private citizens with transit expertise. This is widely, and correctly, seen as a way of wresting power over the TTC from the Mayor’s closest allies and putting control of Toronto’s transit choices firmly in the hands of Toronto City Council.

In reaction to the news, conservative Stefan Baranski (former press secretary for the George Smitherman for Mayor campaign and since then a supporter of much of Rob Ford’s policies) tweeted a fair question that started a longer discussion than what I’m excerpting here:

@adamcf and @graphicmatt go immediately to the most obvious (and not incorrect) explanation for the current political situation: Rob Ford has himself to blame for the current situation, with his total inability to build any kind of majority coalition on council. Seeing as I’ve written the same elsewhere (and Stefan accepts it without seeming hesitation) this really does explain a lot of the problem. But not all of it.

That’s right: this isn’t all Rob Ford’s fault. The problem is actually a structural flaw in the way we’ve designed city council, and especially the powers given to the Mayor since 2006.

The problem at City Hall

A bit of background for people who haven’t spent the last little while neck-deep in the City of Toronto Act and other procedural documents: it would only be a slight exaggeration to say that the office of the Mayor of Toronto, prior to 2006, was basically just a councillor that the whole city got to elect. He had substantial powers of persuasion and obviously retained an electoral mandate (so Mel Lastman ran on, and delivered, a tax freeze in the new amalgamated city of Toronto) but all the important decisions were made by council.

In 2006, as the Province of Ontario brought in the City of Toronto Act, the City’s procedural by-law was changed to give the Mayor new powers over council. One of the more important ones is the right of the mayor to name committee chairs (instead of letting committees do that on their own, or have council name them). This allows him to form the Executive Committee of his choosing (a cabinet of sorts) and keep control over the agenda in various committee to make sure nuisance items from the opposition don’t find their way to council. The Mayor also, alone among the individuals at council, can call a special session of council in his own authority to deal with matters. (Rob Ford has exercised this power when council threw up a roadblock, for example when opposition councillors denied him the 2/3 majority he needed to introduce a motion to fire the board of Toronto Community Housing.)

But some things didn’t change: the Mayor is still elected generally from the city (as opposed to councillors who are elected in 44 wards) and thus remains the only individual at City Hall with a city-wide mandate. Or, as we were incorrectly told when Rob Ford was elected, “he’s the politician who received the most votes in Canadian history.” (Factually incorrect: Mel Lastman got more votes in both of his elections than Rob Ford.)

While Rob Ford has pushed the idea of a Mayor’s mandate to absurd ends—”people voted for whatever my current political priority is this week, and I’m going to deliver what they voted for”—he didn’t invent the idea of a mayoral mandate and it’s not inherently absurd: who else can speak for the city if not the only guy in the room elected by the city as a whole?

Well, there’s council isn’t there? In fact, winning councillors collectively received substantially more votes than Rob Ford did (415,546 votes for this council as opposed to Ford’s 383,501) so if mandates spring from numbers, council can rightly claim a larger mandate than the Mayor.

There’s a more subtle form of representation that council has that simply doesn’t exist for the mayor’s office: namely, Rob Ford doesn’t really represent (or try to represent) the people who didn’t vote for him. If you’re a left-wing voter in Rob Ford’s Toronto, you’re basically out of luck in seeing anything come out of the Mayor’s office that you like. But when we vote for council, the city-wide effect means that even if you live in, say, Mike Del Grande’s ward you can root for someone like Glenn de Baeremaeker to represent Scarborough from the more left-wing position.

And that, basically, is the recipe for the situation we have right now: a formally powerful council that has had enough with the Mayor’s claim to speak for the city, and is in the process of taking charge. (The TTC is only the first step. Important committees like the Budget Committee will be next, I’m sure) But the Mayor still has the bully pulpit and the political fact of his individual city-wide mandate.

There’s a word for this in political science: a crisis of legitimacy.

The Perils of Presidentialism and Crises of Legitimacy

Let me get one thing out of the way right now. I am not saying that Rob Ford is an illegitimate mayor. I’m sure others have, but Rob Ford won an election and holds his office legitimately. It’s not clear that the election was entirely fair—Ford may yet be found guilty of having broken election finance laws—but that’s not relevant for the kind of legitimacy that I’m talking about now.

Rather, we have an inherent conflict between two competing claims of who gets to speak for Toronto as a whole: the Mayor, who was directly elected by the city at large, or the council which was elected collectively, but in 44 parts. This is exactly the kind of problem that is common in Presidential political systems. That is, systems that follow the American political model of a separately elected executive and legislative branch of government, as opposed to the British (and Canadian) model of Parliamentary governance where the executive is elected from within the legislature.

(The seminal text on how Presidential systems inherently lend themselves to legitimacy crises is “The Perils of Presidentialism” by Juan Linz, but the underlying issue has been a permanent concern in US politics. A 2001 article by Bruce Ackerman essentially says that the post-Charter Canadian system comes closest to a perfect fusion of crisis-free governance while protecting minorities, which is nice for us.)

A classic crisis of legitimacy goes something like this: President is elected on a new, perhaps radical, platform; legislature throws up roadblocks to his policies; crisis develops. It ends one of two ways: the President uses his powers to neuter the legislature (see Boris Yeltsin dissolving the Russian White House with tank shells) or the legislature neuters the President (not as many examples of this, though post-2004 Ukraine briefly looked like it might after the Orange Revolution). The crisis can only be resolved one way: the fundamental issue of who speaks for the electorate has to be settled.

In Russia, this was settled by putting enormous power in the hands of the President (even before the Putin era). In British systems the House of Commons is elected by the country, and whoever keeps the confidence of the House stays the Prime Minister. No more crises in either case because the issue is settled, though obviously most liberals would have other complaints about how Yeltsin settled the Russian legitimacy crisis.

Toronto’s legitimacy crisis

With the generic framework of a legitimacy crisis understood, we can see how it applies to Toronto and Rob Ford: this isn’t simply a case of a bullying politician unwilling to understand the limitations of his office, it’s a substantial structural flaw in the way we’ve built our government in this city. It’s as serious a defect as if we’d built an uneven foundation on a home. It’s an issue that will continue to dog Toronto City Council so long as the issue of who speaks for the city is left unsettled. What it isn’t is an individual problem with Rob Ford.

This crisis arguably began with transit when the mayor dismissed Transit City without a vote in council (a vote he would have almost certainly won, in one of Toronto’s enduring political mysteries), heightened when council had to take over the Port Lands file from Doug Ford’s blundering, was ratcheted further when the Mayor’s office refused to make a deal on the budget, and now we’re where we are on the transit file.

We’ve failed to understand that the status quo is actually the worst-case scenario: the transit fight that is brewing later this month is likely to decide something on Sheppard avenue that (a) will be won or lost on the narrowest of margins and (b) if council decides against a Sheppard subway extension, won’t have the support of most of Scarborough councillors, meaning that thanks to the crisis of legitimacy the argument won’t be settled and we’ll keep blundering through this fight until at least 2014.

But the crisis isn’t going to end later this month with transit. Every. Single. Decision. From here on out everything the city does is going to be decided on an absurd, ad hoc basis as the mayor attempts to win whatever votes he can by dangling something in front of one councillor or another. Toronto’s going to lurch from one battle to another as the two sides at council try to poach votes from the centre.

And in all the chaos, anyone who’s spent the last few years arguing that Toronto needs the political and financial tools to govern itself properly instead of as a ward of the province is going to die a little inside each day.

So what’s the fix?

We have basically two choices, and as an expert witness I’d like to call on Doug Ford, councillor for Ward 2. One option is to move further powers to the Mayor’s office, such as a veto over council, the hiring and firing of high-level city staff (despite recent events, the Mayor individually does not have this ability) and other powers—in short, the typical American strong-mayor system. Itself a more intense form of American presidentialism. Doug Ford endorsed exactly this idea early on in the new council’s term.

But Doug Ford also understands that the other way to have a system that allows a government to enact its mandate is the Parliamentary model, telling the Toronto Sun in February “When you have a clear mandate provincially, you have a team and you have a leader you get to move it forward”. Bringing a parliamentary system to council would be relatively simple, though at the moment it’s illegal under the City of Toronto Act. Simply have the Mayor elected by council from among its members. Whoever retains the loyalty of a majority of council is the mayor.

Either one of these ideas seems to horrify various elements of Toronto’s commentariat. We’ve always elected a Mayor! Except that the status quo can’t be self-justifying. As recently as 1997 the Mayor was vastly less powerful because he (or twice, she) presided over a smaller city, and until 2006 the mayor was less powerful because various laws said so. We’ve amalgamated a megacity of almost 3 million people and assumed that the same elected-mayor system we used to run a city of 100,000 was sufficient. We’ve also dramatically shrunk the number of elected representatives in this city since amalgamation, proportionally increasing the importance of the Mayor’s vote. Rob Ford has shown the flaws in the sysem, but if he loses in 2014 the system will still be flawed.

Between the two options of a strong presidential mayor or electing the mayor from within council—essentially, parliamentary government for the city—the parliamentary one is the much more preferable option. That’s because while both allow an elected government to pursue a legitimate mandate, only the Parliamentary option is better for whoever’s out of power at any given moment. I assume that will sound self-serving to Ford supporters but I imagine they’ll change their tune under Mayor Carroll or Mayor Vaughan.

Some of the obvious objections:

Argh! I hate political parties and this is a recipe for that!

There’s no reason that this would inherently lead to formal political parties in Toronto. Electing the mayor from within council doesn’t mean that councillors would all have to join parties.

That said, the reality of the current system is that there are two well-defined political parties, and a third group of increasingly-left-leaning councillors in the middle. But instead of dealing with this maturely, provincial law forces the city to pretend that parties don’t exist in a formal sense. This is absurd and unsustainable. Toronto today is almost as populous as Canada was in 1867, and far more complex to govern than our young Dominion was. The idea that political parties can do an above-average job of governing this country and its provinces for 150 years but are going to run this city terribly just doesn’t make sense.

But if Rob Ford were leading the Conservative Party of Toronto, he’d rule the city with an iron fist until the next election!

Well no, for a bunch of reasons. The most important being that Rob Ford would have been unlikely to be chosen to lead any political party, as he had no friends on council until he started to lead in the polls in the summer of 2010. More than that, the incentives for councillors looking to be re-elected in 2014 don’t fundamentally change—indeed, it’s at least as plausible to say that if Ford were the leader of the Conservative caucus of Toronto he’d already be out of a job. If Maggie effing Thatcher can lose her job to a caucus revolt, why would you assume Rob Ford can maintain party solidarity? Because of the sterling political instincts he’s demonstrated so far?

But more importantly, this isn’t about Rob Ford. As I’ve tried to say over and over, this is a structural flaw in the system that Rob Ford has made obvious, not a flaw that’s going to be solved by removing Ford from his job.

Stupid lefty bilge. You weren’t saying this during Miller’s reign of terror!

Well no, I wasn’t. But that’s because (a) I didn’t live in this city during his first term; (b) like many of us, I wasn’t paying as much attention to city politics during the second Miller term until the 2009 strike; and (c) Miller never exposed these flaws to the same extent because he mostly had council behind him on the big stuff.

But some conservatives on council were arguing for the city to look at formal political parties. Karen Stintz, back when she was the shrill Miller-hating conservative of the left’s nightmares, told Toronto Life in 2008 that there were some good reasons for political parties:

One of the most common complaints about Toronto council is that it is a collection of 44 “ward bosses” who have no broader vision beyond what’s happening in their local neighbourhoods. Political parties are the simplest way to remedy that problem, because candidates would unite around a common platform for the city’s future. A party system could arguably make collaboration easier: the mayor, instead of negotiating with individual councillors for their support, could negotiate for whole blocs of support at once.

This is certainly how Stintz sees things. “I totally support parties,” she says. “Council is facing some difficult issues right now, and if the opposition were truly a party, we would have to confront those issues as a group. Right now, we can just walk away from them.” She points to Miller’s One Cent Now campaign as a perfect example. Once Ottawa reduced the GST to five per cent, Stintz believes the province should have taken up that tax room and handed it over to municipalities. “But I can’t work with the mayor on the issue, because our relationship is so toxic that we can’t have a normal conversation. And I can’t hold my own press conference because it appears like I’m just grandstanding. But if I were a party spokesperson on this issue, if I had legitimacy in that role before council and the media, then I could speak up.”

I know that for Toronto’s hardest-core right Stintz now exists as a non-person, but back when she was a Miller critic she was right about political parties at the municipal level. And the analysis is still right. (I don’t know if Stintz has changed her mind on political parties.) We no longer have a city, as John Matheson (another Tory!) said on TVO’s the Agenda this week, where a form of government suited for slight tweaks to the status quo can still operate. The challenges that face Toronto are large and they need a system that can function without lurching from crisis to crisis. We don’t have that system now, and I’m willing to bet we probably wouldn’t even if George Smitherman—himself, not really known for making friends and allies at Queen’s Park—had been elected.

Why can’t we just keep muddling through?

Well that’s always an option, and a very Canadian one at that. But we shouldn’t understimate the costs that come with the current government. There are literal dollar costs to this: millions of dollars might as well have been set alight thanks to the paralysis over transit in this city, millions of dollars that could have been better spent on trifles like feeding hungry children or keeping libraries open.

And then there’s the damage this crisis is doing to our politics: we have a mayor who, rather than admit he has no plan to raise the money needed for rapid transit in Scarborough, spends his days telling voters in Scarborough and Etobicoke that this is all about downtowners wanting to hog all the good subway lines to themselves. Rob Ford has already said he will run for re-election based on Scarborough being stabbed in the back by downtown elitists, further poisoning the well of Toronto’s civic discussion. It’s horrifyingly ugly, and it shouldn’t be happening. But it’s exactly what all of the political incentives tell Rob Ford, or any mayor in his position, to do—even if the man were perfect, and we don’t build our political institutions by first assuming every conservative will be David Crombie.

So: Responsible Government for Toronto, now.

Posted in Uncategorized | 8 Comments

Density and Subways, revisited

Since my last lengthy post went up, a number of defenders of subways in general, and the Sheppard line in particular, have raised some objections to my argument that Toronto’s inner suburbs (Etobicoke, North York, Scarborough) don’t have the required population densities to support subways. Some objections have been from the most vociferous of Mayor Rob Ford’s supporters, and haven’t really engaged in the facts in any way. Others have been more thoughtful and deserve a real response. So here goes!

You say Toronto’s suburbs aren’t as dense as New York’s boroughs, but the Big Apple’s boroughs weren’t always this dense. Isn’t a fairer comparison between New York when it started building its suburbs, and the inner suburbs today?

I’m not actually sure this comparison will be any more accurate than my previous one, considering the number of moving targets that we’re actually talking about here. For one, in real terms subway construction was substantially cheaper back in an era when you didn’t have to pay a minimum wage. Nevertheless, I whipped up this chart of the densities of New York’s boroughs over the last century from Wikipedia data, with the megacity’s 2006 average (which overstates the average density of Toronto’s suburbs).

As we can see, all of New York’s boroughs have been denser than Toronto is today for a very long time, except for Staten Island (which isn’t connected to the main subway system, relying on surface rail instead). The first New York subways were built in the years before 1910, so this gives us a century worth of data. The other thing that happened after the New York subway was built was the introduction of New York’s first comprehensive zoning law, which had the visible effect of radically decreasing density in Manhattan from 1920-1980, which is nevertheless still very, very dense.

But this leads us to a second question, one raised by Dave Meslin in particular, which is this: Even if the inner suburbs aren’t dense enough to support subways now, can’t subways encourage the very density that would make them financially sustainable?

To which the short answer is: yes, very much. And you can see that happening in Brooklyn and the Bronx in the early decades after subways started making their way through New York. But there’s a problem: we don’t live in the 1920s or 30s anymore, which is mostly a very good thing (we don’t have to worry about prohibition or fascism!) but for subway advocates poses a few real problems. The long answer to Dave’s question ends up being… well, no.

Costs

Subways cost a lot of money, and they cost more—in inflation-adjusted terms—than they used to. When Toronto built the Bloor-Danforth line, it did so at the same time as it built the University line, joining Union to St. George and building the east-west subway line from Keele to Woodbine. I can’t find an exact number for the construction costs, but this site says the estimate was $200 million in 1960 dollars. Plug that in to our Bank of Canada inflation calculator, and that’s roughly $1.5 billion in 2011 dollars for about 15 kilometers of subway. If we had to build that today using the conservative $200 million that some optimists project for subways, it would be twice as expensive to build the Bloor-Danforth line in 2011 as it was in 1966. And if it went to the more likely $300 million per kilometer, we’d be talking $4.5 billion to tunnel under the downtown, or triple the cost of the original. (Which leads to the depressing conclusion that if we had to do it again today, we probably couldn’t.)

My point is that Toronto mostly built its existing subway system when it was relatively cheap to do so, in the context of a rapdily-growing postwar economy, with all the fiscal largesse that implied. Neither of those two conditions is likely to repeat itself in the Toronto area soon. So in fact, the business case for subways in the suburbs in 2011 is even more difficult, even if they were as dense as the downtown core.

And they’re not, they’re really really not, and they’re unlikely to get as dense as the core anytime soon.

Why? Because despite nominal commitments, this city is very hostile to density.

Toronto’s planning process, and how it works against transit

When I say that this city is very hostile to density, a lot of people look at me like I’ve grown a second head. “Look at the Places to Grow Act! Look at Toronto’s Official Plan! Plenty of density there!” (Yes, I’m the kind of person who actually brings this up in conversation.) But Toronto, like almost all North American cities, has a planning system that was never intended to allow density—or, for that matter, much change at all.

So for example, it’s true that there’s a Sheppard Avenue secondary plan that allows mixed-use density along parts of Sheppard. It’s also true that the same plan forces buildings to be set back from the sidewalk in case the city decides it wants to add a seventh (!) lane to Sheppard. (That alone should make subway advocates question how serious the city is about encouraging transit.) But the building heights envisioned in these plans are still laughably small (in the 5-7 storey range) but more importantly, the secondary plan disappears once you go any distance off Sheppard.

This, for example, is how the city envisions the intersection of Sheppard and Willowdale:

In case you haven’t wasted your life learning city zoning prefixes, what this map shows is that going north 400 metres from Sheppard, you’re allowed to build a mixed-use, commercial/residential building until you hit Hollywood. Then it’s all RD, which stands for residential-detached. Can you guess what is an allowable use of land in an RD zone? From Chapter 10.20.20.10 the city’s handy by-law guide:

The following principal uses are permitted in an RD zone:

  • Park
  • Dwelling Unit, if it is located in a Permitted Building Type in Clause 10.20.20.40.

If the suspense hasn’t killed you yet, the Permitted Building Type is “detached house.” It specifically forbids semi-detached homes, apartment buildings, townhouses, and, well, anything other than the kind of houses that already exist there.

This isn’t an anomaly. Zoning systems were invented to put the brakes on development, and Toronto’s does it very well.

The long and short of it is that, as currently structured, it would be illegal to add the density subways require along the Sheppard corridor.

Ah, but developers can appeal the official plan and zoning, right? Of course they can. But let’s be clear about what this is: the city will, if a developer pays enough money and drags the city to the OMB, and wins, allow density to increase. There are many words for this system, but “density-friendly” isn’t one of them. So yes, the system as structured is hostile to density. It’s intended to be.

Density does not equal height (alone)

But surely the condo boom along Sheppard is adding enough density to make a difference, right? Well, it will certainly add more people and that won’t necessarily hurt. But (a) relatively few of these condo-dwellers will be taking the subway (there’s also the 401 nearby, drawing commuters to their cars) and (b) Sheppard is unlikely to support enough condo towers, especially at the 7-storey maximum councillors prefer, to make the subway a winning proposition.

But that’s actually not a deal-breaker, because the far, far better way to add density to the area is not to build a canyon of condo towers but to intensify the much larger area of residential streets north and sourth of Sheppard. This is a real bonanza: just by allowing three-storey townhomes, or semi-detached duplexes, density could be added cheaply, quickly, and without radically altering the nature of a suburban residential street.

So that’s a winner, right? Wrong. We’ve already seen that the existing zoning forbids anything but detached homes, and when it comes to planning appeals townhomes on residential streets are at least as controversial in Toronto as towers on main streets.

To pick one real example without having to try very hard to do research: this file that’s going before the North York Community Council is a good example. I pick it not because it’s perfect or because the developer is noble and virtuous, but because it arrived in my email inbox this week and frankly, there’s always one example on any committee agenda I could point to.

It’s not even a suburb story, which shows that this is a city-wide problem, not at all an issue of narrow-minded suburbanites: a developer finds two homes north of St. Clair that have unusually deep back yards. He buys the lots, and wants to turn it in to a row of 18, three-storey townhouses. The area is zoned to allow townhouses, so there’s no problem, right?

Wrong. City staff are concerned that the building style doesn’t conform with the existing neighbourhood of a) two-storey semi-detached homes and b) five-storey apartment buildings. Also, the fact that the townhouses won’t face on to Winona street is an issue. From the city’s perspective, the only acceptable development is to.. replace the buildings with exactly the same kind of building.

For a row of three-storey townhomes, the developer will have to go through a community consultation and a city staff report that they estimate will be ready in “the third quarter of 2012 provided any required information is submitted by the applicant in a timely manner.” If he’s truly lucky he won’t have to drag the city to the OMB, costing more time and money, before getting permission for this development.

I could go on, but maybe one more anecdote will suffice: a few months back, Shelley Carroll got up in front of city council and said she’d never been lobbied so hard to release a hold in all her years at council. What item was she holding? An OMB appeal in Josh Matlow’s ward where the city wanted to try and stop a developer from turning two detached homes in to three townhomes. (The specific issue, if I recall correctly, was the developers’ preference for below-grade parking.) Shelley Carroll is, of course, a former budget chief so when she talks about intense lobbying we should perk up our ears.

Now all of this is a real shame, because most of the social benefits to density don’t come from adding 40-storey condo towers. The most rapid increase in the benefits in density come from the first 3-10 storeys (depending on which planning literature you read.) So adding more condo towers downtown is a game of chasing diminishing returns—but the residential areas of the suburbs offer an incredible amount of low-hanging fruit, if only we were willing to pick it. But the legal and political facts are that we’re totally willing to let this fruit wither and rot.

Again: maybe you like this system. Maybe the developer is a dick. And who really wants a system with less public input? But whatever you think about it, the system is hostile to density at every turn and it should trouble anyone hoping for rapid increases in density to support subways.

Imagining suburbs where subways worked: they wouldn’t be suburbs

What would subway-sustaining density look like? Well, for one, it would extend away from Sheppard a great deal further. The attitude of many suburban residents seems to be that any density added along Sheppard needs to be quarantined there, and kept away from streets north of it (with minimal exceptions, like the one I pointed out on Willowdale). I’m not saying that as a mind reader, but as an evaluation of the councillors (like David Shiner) that they keep electing.

But this isn’t how subway-sustaining density works. You need really large areas of moderate density, not a valley of towers on Sheppard and then sprawl elsewhere. Look at the areas downtown where the subway travels through, especially from Pape to Keele: three-, four-, five-storey buildings along Bloor and Danforth are the norm, with apartment buildings found frequently on the streets running north-south from Bloor, and walkup apartments common even on smaller streets like Annette in the west end. Meanwhile, the houses are vastly more likely to be semi-detached or townhouses, and the detached houses are much more likely to be duplexes. The “catchment area” for the Bloor-Danforth line is vastly larger than just the buildings that front on to those streets—and it’s this kind of density that is expressly forbidden in the city’s planning along Sheppard.

When the TTC talks about the density needed to sustain subways, they don’t talk about people per hectare—they talk about people and/or jobs per hectare. What planners understand is that if you’re going to balance a transit system (that is, if it’s not just going to be full trains running east, and empty trains running west) you need to have a balance of people and employment spread through the region. The TTC, according to Steve Munro (who would know, after all) uses a rule of thumb of 100 people and/or jobs per hectare to support subways, which is an appealingly round number. Using the city wards as a unit of measure again, it allows us to judge them on their subway-fitness by adding the people and jobs in a ward and seeing how they measure up.

So here is subway-fitness index for the three wards currently served by the Sheppard subway:

Ward 23: 52 people per hectare + 28.5 jobs = 80. But Ward 20 was already growing rapidly from 2001-2006 (for which the latest data is available, sadly) so I’m actually going to give this one a presumptive 100. Anyone who’s seen Yonge and Sheppard can see a pretty vibrant centre there. But a single node does not a subway line make.

Ward 24: 32 people and 16 jobs per hectare, without the double-digit growth of Ward 23. Total score: 48. #subwayfail

Ward 33: 52 people and 27 jobs per hectare, and Shelley Carroll’s ward actually shrunk between 2001-2006. Score: 79.

So you’ve got basically one ward that qualifies as subway-sustainable today, and two that rather dramatically do not.

And extending the Sheppard line east in to Scarborough? Ward 40: 50 people and 24 jobs per hectare, predictably less dense than Ward 33.

(Obviously, these numbers will have changed with the 2011 census. It will be interesting to see what they do, and I’ll be very happy if the business case for Sheppard has improved. I suspect it will still be a dubious case, and still won’t support an extension past Victoria Park.)

Now a lot of people have pointed to the development along Sheppard and accused me of ignoring the rapid growth there. I swear I’m not, but numbers like those for Willowdale show that the density would have to double since 2006, and I guarantee you that it hasn’t. Ward 33 may be closer to the 100 mark than it was in 2006, but I doubt it’s added 40% of the Ward population in five years.

I’ve been accused of ignoring major development projects along Sheppard, but let me turn that around: ignore the visible, high-profile signs of increasing density and ask yourself: have something like 100,000 people moved in the those wards without anyone noticing? Are they all taking the subway and not driving? As big as those condo towers are, I guarantee you it’s a fraction of the needed population. (And if the 2011 census proves me wrong, than find me to point and laugh. Beer’s on me.)

By contrast, Wards 20 and 27 score 122 and 138. Even Ward 31, a relatively low-density ward in East York (and where I live) scores 88. (Better than the best along the Sheppard line, according to 2006 data.) And to illustrate my point about how important a large area of density is, Ward 17 (Davenport, entirely off of Bloor) scores in at 111. Ana Bailao’s Ward 18 is even denser. That is to say, based on these numbers there’s a stronger argument for a Dufferin subway, from the CNE to Eglinton, right now, today than there is for any extension of Sheppard, or even for the existing subway.

You’ll note that large areas in the wards I’m talking about aren’t solely the condo-tower clusters of the very downtown. Again, height does not equal density. But you can look at the long stretches of St. Clair, Dufferin, and Dundas West where there’s tons of density but, until very recently, very few condos (and still only limited subway access.) But they’re also light-years from what the suburbs are: mixes of housing stock, employment, and some already-existing transit options like streetcars that the density grew up around decades ago.

So my argument so far:

  • The Sheppard corridor is not currently dense enough to support the subway it has.
  • It could hypothetically be made more dense, without destroying the community, but:
  • The zoning doesn’t currently allow sufficient density of the right type;
  • the right type of density looks more like Ward 17 and 18 than like CityPlace;
  • the existing appeals process makes changing the zoning slow and expensive;
  • and actually adding sufficient density of the right type is likely to be politically implausible at best.

Now, it’s possible this will change. It’s possible that the city will, over the objections of residents on the cul-de-sacs north of Sheppard, allow developers to come in and build townhouses and walk-up apartments. And were it to happen that area could attract a lot of business, adding for the business case for more mixed-use along Sheppard. These things are all possible. I remain skeptical that they will actually happen. The prospects in other corridors in the suburbs (like Finch) are even more bleak.

The final issue is whether people are willing to subsidize further suburban subways more than they already do. The government can waste a lot of money if the voters support it for long enough (witness the only-recent death of the ethanol subsidy in the US.) It’s imaginable that Rob Ford could, in 2014, ask the people of Toronto to support a major property tax increase (around 10-20%) specifically earmarked for a Toronto Subway Fund. But that’s the level of committment that would be required, and I just don’t see Rob Ford doing that. Moreover, the same suburban voters demanding subways also, with distressing constancy, elect tax-cutting conservatives. To say “the suburbs want subways”, you also have to admit “the suburbs want low taxes.” Which is to say, “the suburbs want the impossible.”

And if the province or feds want to pony up? Well my preference would be for investment in the areas of the city that could already support, and desperately need better transit (Queen street, and another north-south line somewhere like Dufferin). But if they’re willing to fund a Sheppard extension and not something downtown, it should come only after the city has agreed to the kinds of major increases in density along the corridor, written into provincial law, so Ottawa or Queen’s Park don’t end up permanently subsidizing a money-loser. But again, I don’t see that happening along Sheppard. It’s far more palatable for the other levels of government to extend the existing subways in to the 905—hence the Spadina extension to Vaughan (which, in ridership terms, is just as dubious as the Sheppard line) or the long-rumoured Yonge extension up in to Thornhill.

So we’re left with: subways in Toronto’s suburbs can’t pay their way currently, are unlikely to do so in the medium-term future, and other levels of governments are unlikely to help. (Except in small, incremental ways.) The city could choose to support them with a massive tax increase, but neither voters nor politicians seem in the mood.

None of this argument, by the way, is because I’m personally opposed to Rob Ford’s politics. I’m just as opposed to the Spadina extension, but Dalton McGuinty didn’t ask my opinion. What I’ve tried to do, in this post and the last, is show that there simply isn’t the business case for subways in the ‘burbs and in many ways there cannot be one, unless Toronto’s politics change radically.

Posted in Uncategorized | 5 Comments

Despicable Me, radio B-team edition

I was invited to appear on NewsTalk1010 on December 27th. Wilf Dinnick (subbing in for John Tory, and also my boss’s boss at OpenFile Toronto) asked me to come on and talk a bit about what to expect in the New Year:

John McGrath on Newstalk1010 with Wilf Dinnick

I’m pretty sure “one man gravy is another man’s steak” is a terrible thing to say. Also, I stumble too much.

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

No, really, the suburbs can’t support subways (Or why Toronto still isn’t dense)

So earlier this week, James Pasternak (Ward 10, York Centre) tweeted the following:

We need partners in Ottawa and Queens Park to fund transit. P.S. Booklyn & Queens have extensive subways, but moderate density

This, as part of the argument that Toronto’s suburbs can support a subway network (Pasternak’s ward contains Finch, which is a frequent nominee in Toronto’s fantasy subway maps.) In particular, for those who don’t know, Toronto is in the midst of a debate over how best to extend its transit network: with subways or with the previous mayor’s Transit City plan, which relied on light rail lines in the suburbs.

So what are the facts? Do Brooklyn and Queens, in fact, support subways with “moderate” density?

Here are the population densities (people per square kilometer) of New York’s five boroughs, from Wikipedia:

Manhattan: 26,879
Bronx: 12,707
Brooklyn: 13,687
Queens: 7,882
Staten Island: 3,104
City average: 10,356

Staten Island is an outlier here because it’s not connected to the main subway system, though it has a relatively small surface rail line (the Staten Island Rail.) Manhattan, of course, is an outlier all its own.

For comparison’s sake, here are the densities of Toronto’s four districts in persons per square kilometer:

Toronto-East York: 6,302
Etobicoke-York: 3,184
North York: 3,897
Scarborough: 3,205
City average: 3,973

(A note: for the purposes of this blog post these numbers aren’t going to be an exact match, because Wikipedia has New York’s 2010 population estimates, while the City of Toronto only has 2006′s census data. In both US and Canadian cases the density numbers are all my own math, so errors are a possibility, though I’ve tried to be careful.)

So the densest of Toronto’s districts is still less dense than any borough of New York with the exception of Staten Island. Indeed, Toronto’s suburbs have a density that is very close to Staten Islands, suggesting that, like Staten Island, they can support a grade-separated surface rail line but not a fully tunnelled subway line.

The argument against underground rail in the suburbs gets even stronger when you realize that much of what Brooklyn and Queens have isn’t underground at all. At the periphery, Brooklyn relies on elevated rail corridors built above roadways. That’s an option Toronto could, and maybe should, consider, but it isn’t a “subway” the way the mayor and his allies mean it.

Bird’s-eye statistics don’t tell the whole story, of course. So it’s worth pointing out that Brooklyn’s Community District 8 has a Manhattan-level density of 22,875 people per square kilometer. In Toronto, Kristyn Wong-Tam’s Ward 27 has a density of 8,480. Adam Vaughan’s Ward 20 has 7,443. Interestingly, Ana Bailao’s Ward 18 has 9,124. I don’t often think of Ward 18 as denser than Vaughan’s or Wong-Tam’s, but the numbers are off the city’s website. Going to my end of town, Janet Davis’s Ward 31 has 5,826 per square kilometer while the opposite end of Toronto-East York, Sarah Doucette’s Ward 13 has 5,064.

But cross the border in to Etobicoke or Scarborough, and the math changes quickly. Peter Milczyn’s Ward 5 has only 2,385 people per square kilometer, less than half of Doucette’s ward right next door. Out in the east end the drop is nearly as severe in Michelle Berardinetti’s Ward 35, with 4,053 people per square kilometer (a 30% drop from Davis’ ward right next door.) One ward north, in Michael Thompson’s Ward 37, and you get pretty steep drop to 3,280 people per square kilometer. Raymond Cho may represent the least-dense ward in Toronto nominally, except that something like a third of his ward is parkland.

I hope I’ve made my point so far: “Old Toronto” is, often dramatically, more densely settled than the inner suburbs. (Given the settlement patterns, I’m treating East York as Old Toronto for my purposes.) Often all it takes is crossing the Humber River, or Victoria Park Ave, to see a rapid decline in density. And furthermore, “ward” is probably the more important unit of measurement here because it’s not just the streets where subways run, it’s the neighbourhoods that feed in to them and grow because of them that’s important.

And density is the only way to support subways. There are other options for rapid transit, but if you want big trains moving underground—and you don’t want to spend generations subsidizing a money-losing white elephant—then you need dense patterns of settlement and employment. (Employment density may be even more important, as far as the subway is concerned, than population density.)

Speaking of money-losing white elephants, how’s density on the Sheppard Subway line? John Filion has the misfortune of representing Toronto’s most populous ward (thanks to the fact that Toronto’s wards were drawn up using 20-year-old census data) but his Ward, which contains the intersection of Yonge and Sheppard, has a respectable 5,295 people per square kilometer. Ana Bailao would scoff at the wide open spaces, but that’s dense by North York standards, no question. But as we move east along the Sheppard line, things get more questionable: Wards 24 and 33 have 3,266 and 5,213 people respectively. To put it another way, nowhere along the entire Sheppard line do we see the kind of densities that we see in the downtown core—7,000-9,000 people per square kilometer. All of Sheppard has the kind of densities we see at the periphery of the Bloor-Danforth’s densest parts.

The densities along Finch West, meanwhile, make Sheppard look crowded: James Pasternak’s Ward 10 weighs in at 4,105 people per square kilometer, then Wards 8, 7, and 1 come in at 2,817, 2,458, and 3,519. To support a subway line Finch would probably need to triple its current average density, something that seems unlikely in the next generation.

If numbers aren’t your thing, here’s a picture of Sheppard and Don Mills, from which the Mayor proposes to extend the Sheppard subway east:

Now here’s a picture of Brooklyn’s Broadway and 41st Avenue, where density supports a subway:

Notice the difference?

Why this matters

Earlier this week, councillor Doug Ford (Ward 2, density 1,676 [!!!] per square kilometer) decried the fact that, as he saw it, under David Miller the city of Toronto was a giant scheme to suck money away from the suburbs and spend it on wading pools downtown. Nevermind, for the moment, that Doug Ford’s charges were false on every detail. Any scheme to run subways (by which I mean anything that runs in tunnels underground) in the suburbs is quickly going to become a massive redistribution of wealth from the core of the city to the suburbs.

(Another option, of course, would be for the city to simply massively increase its fiscal capacity, permanently and for the foreseeable future, specifically to support subways. While this could work if, say, we added a sales or income tax, it’s notable that the suburban conservatives who are driving the subway agenda are not big boosters of the tax-and-spend municipal government.)

Now, I’m generally a pretty pinko cyclist kind of guy, so I’m not opposed to tax money from the wealthier core going to the needier parts of the suburbs. But I also like programs that work. (And Sheppard is unlikely ever to actually make it to Malvern, where enhanced mobility could do a lot of good.) Subways to the suburbs, quite simply, will never work without (a) a massive, neighbourhood-transforming increase in density that has no political or community support (where three-storey buildings are sometimes too dense); and (b) a serious liberalization of zoning rules around these areas to allow both residents and jobs to mix as freely as possible. But even then, it still might not work: the rat’s nest of cul-de-sacs and dead ends in the blocks north and south of Sheppard mean that it’s far more difficult for neighbourhoods to act as proper catchment areas, feeding foot traffic in to the subway system. (If you have to drive your car to the subway, you’re probably going to just keep on driving.)

When I see councillors like James Pasternak and Giorgio Mammoliti offer to pro-actively upzone corridors like Finch in order to support a subway in 20 years when the density warrants it, I’ll believe that this city is ready to have a mature conversation about subways. Until then—or until we see a radical cost decrease in subway tunnelling because we’ve domesticated the sandworms from Dune—then about all this city can afford if it wants to seriously extend its rapid transit network is a Transit City-like light rail plan.

Posted in Uncategorized | 4 Comments

Farewell to TorontoLife.com

Today marks my last day writing for TorontoLife.com, mainly for their Informer blog about local politics and news. I’m moving on to OpenFile Toronto, about which I’m extremely excited, but I wanted to take some time to write about what TL.com has done for me.

18 months ago, as far as the news in this city was concerned, I was nobody. (Some might say I still am, hyuk hyuk…) I got an email out of the blue from the then Online Editor for Toronto Life, Matthew Fox. He’d asked an old prof of mine for a writer who could do short blog posts and was available. I’d been the Blog Editor for the Ryerson Review of Journalism, so I counted. But that was pretty much all I’d done.

To reiterate: I had almost no paid work to my name, writing-wise, and one of the most prominent magazines in the city was willing to give me a chance with their brand, sight unseen. They had no reason to think this would turn out especially well.

And yet somehow, it did. I’m not going to kid myself in to thinking that I was the main draw for TL.com–pretty sure the TIFF posts outrank most of my work by orders of magnitude–but I do remember the first time a “real” reporter (in this case, Kelly Grant of the Globe and Mail) tweeted that she was enjoying my writing, and the feeling that someone out there was actually noticing this stuff.

Like I said, I’m really excited about moving on to OpenFile Toronto. But I did want to put down a marker of my unending gratitude to Matthew Fox, my friends Andrew Wallace, Andrew D’Cruz, and the rest of the team there.

More than anything, TorontoLife.com has been a blast to write for. I could fairly be accused of not always taking certain topics (or people) too seriously, but the flip side of that is that I got to learn how to write about the city I love, loving what I do. Thanks, TL. I owe you big.

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

There’s something about parking

A story from the Edmonton Sun:

Daily parking rates in the City of Champions have soared by 28.6% over the past year, the biggest jump than any other Canadian and American city, says Ross Moore, a chief economist with Colliers International who did the study.

That’s a higher increase than the 25% hike in prices for drivers in Phoenix, Arizona, a 13.6% jump in prices in Calgary, and a 22.7% jump in Victoria.

And while the average daily parking price at $18 in Edmonton is still comparable to other cities across Canada and the United States, Coun. Tony Caterina said the city must make rates affordable to help businesses grow in the city’s downtown core.

“If we are trying to rejuvenate the downtown, that is not going to help given the direction the city is going,” said Caterina.

I’ve never lived in Edmonton, but this kind of mentality is almost universal so it’s really familiar to me. We have to help the downtown, so parking has to be kept cheap. More than that, says Caterina, unless parking prices are controlled people will start fleeing the downtown.

Except of course, this is totally wrong. Prices are signals, and a high price for a parking space is a pretty clear signal that a lot of people want to be in that particular spot. If prices for downtown parking spaces are high, it means there’s a lot of traffic flowing that way. Far from being a brake on downtown rejuvenation, high parking prices are a sign that it’s proceeding nicely.

We understand this intuitively when it comes to homes: while we worry (often reasonably, sometimes not) about gentrification, we also understand that generally speaking, rising home prices in a downtown area mean more people want to live (and probably work) there. But when it comes to parking, we see high prices as something that threatens to ruin businesses and neighbourhoods.

To ride an old hobby-horse of mine, this is because city governments are almost universally driven to subsidize parking way below the market rate. But with the recent boom in condos where parking is sold separately, we’re starting to get an idea of what the market rate for parking should actually be, at least in some places. From the Toronto Star:

In downtown Toronto, parking would cost from about $35,000 and up in the current market, according to market research firm Urbanation. That is far more than the cost of an average new car in Canada, at around $26,000.

For luxury properties, parking would be considerably more.

At the Florian in Yorkville, it would be $60,000. At One Bloor it would be $55,000 according to figures by Urbanation.

But at the Four Seasons, parking will set you back a jaw dropping $100,000.

And cars depreciate pretty quickly, so the odds are pretty good that if you a) have a parking space and b) have a car more than a few years old, your parking space is worth more than your car.

Parking should be expensive, especially in downtown cores. Meanwhile, in another Toronto Star piece, we get helpful advice on how to avoid paying for parking by committing petty larceny. I’m pretty sure the Star wouldn’t tell avid readers they should save money by shoplifting books, so I’m curious what editorial guidance went in to printing an article where they get advice from a serial trespasser.

Posted in Uncategorized | 2 Comments

Can’t we all get along? Probably not.

It all began, more or less, with Ed Keenan at The Grid TO writing the following in a piece that I otherwise agreed with:

When the subject turns to cycling, a hundred legitimate concerns—about safety, environmentalism, traffic flow and urbanism—metastasize into an all-consuming us-versus-them battle for the streets. It’s silly, of course, since cyclists and automobilists really have similar interests: The more bikes there are on the road the fewer cars there will be, which means traffic will move faster for everyone; safe lanes for bikes mean fewer injuries and deaths on the road and less of an obstacle course for cars and trucks; and as much as cyclists get into good shape commuting by pedal power, their zero-emissions mode of transportation keeps the environment in good health for everyone else, too.

And yet, you cannot convince the partisans in this made-up fight that they are on the same side. The heavy sanctimony of some of the most vocal cyclists leads them to demonize a caricature of the Hummer-driving suburban commuter, whose only goal in life is to injure as many cyclists and do as much damage to the environment as he can on his way to work. Car commuters, especially those who live outside the downtown core, think bike riders are anarchist hippies who are rich enough to live downtown, determined to obstruct four-wheeled traffic and, ultimately, want to remove every car from the street.

So I was moved to tweet the following:

Before going forward, I want to say how silly it seems to mention this disagreement in the context of a column by Keenan that I, like almost all of his columns, agreed with the basic thrust of whole-heartedly. (Do go back and read it, if you haven’t already.)

But let me explain my disagreement, a bit oddly, by agreeing with the argument I think Keenan is making, and that I think is obviously correct: in a built-up city like Toronto, where adding or subtracting a single lane of roadway has almost zero marginal impact on motor vehicle traffic, it’s nevertheless true that things like bike lanes (or, I think Ed would agree, dedicated-lane mass transit) can achieve much higher returns for the same use of space. This is how it’s possible for Jarvis to triple it’s bike traffic while only adding a few minutes to a car commute.

But this process starts with taking away something from motorists.

Let’s look at, as Ed does, the impact on Jarvis in the real world. The result was a slightly longer (albeit, I’ll wager safer) commute after the city removed the reversible middle lane, slightly widened the remaining four lanes, and added bike lanes. Motorists, in this story, saw their available road space decrease and their commute times increase, all to help some cyclists who, this being Canada, won’t be using those bike lanes after October.

Keenan is quite correct that this ought to be a win-win (600 more people travelling down Jarvis with only a tiny change in commute times.) But it’s not really, and it’s difficult to ask motorists to see it as such. (“Yes, we’re taking car lanes away from you, but it’s for your own good” is difficult to spin.)

Going forward, the prospects are even bleaker. How many more streets are there in Toronto like Jarvis, where the idiotic reversible middle lane (which was causing more side-swipe collisions between cars) could be removed with only a miniscule impact on traffic? Jarvis was some of the lowest of low-hanging fruit for street remodelling, and the reaction of motorists, aided and abetted by conservative editorialists and politicians, has been nothing short of apoplectic.

Building more bike lanes in Toronto–something I think the city desperately needs–will be a much tougher fight, because it will involve taking more traffic lanes, or on-street parking spaces, away from the businesses and motorists they serve. Ironically, the most fertile ground for new bike lanes is probably in the suburbs, where wide lanes on underused-relative-to-the-downtown roads could be converted without affecting traffic at all–but Michelle Berardinetti killed two bike lanes in Scarborough because, she said, the community wanted their road space back.

Ed’s small note at the bottom of his response–that to combat traffic seriously, we need to address on-street parking–is also both correct, and another front in the War on the Car. Motorists and businesses hate, hate, hate the idea of ever removing parking spaces anywhere. The St. Clair streetcar right-of-way could only be completed on the promise that on-street parking would increase.

I basically don’t think it’s possible for us to sell bike lanes as win-win in a city that’s still 2/3 suburbs and 1/3 urban, especially when the facts are that we really are taking road space away from them. The more honest pitch is that we’re asking motorists to sacrifice something for their own good, and the good of the city, but they seem disinclined to agree.

Update: Ed Keenan responds, and I continue to use Storify:

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

The craziness of the subway cult

You would think, with Toronto’s one and only attempt at a comprehensive light rail plan having been torpedoed by the new Mayor when he took over this past winter, the enemies of anything-but-cars would feel secure enough to move on to other topics. But no, apparently Toronto’s brief flirtation with LRT was so scarring that they need to get over their trauma by writing op-eds in National Post columns months after the fact. So with that, take it away Kelvin Browne:

Every city with aspirations for greatness insists on good transit, and subways are typically at the top of the wish list -unless it’s Toronto. We’re burdened with a fetish for streetcars. Visit London and ride the Tube and it’s clear how amateur Toronto is in this department. London is London, of course, a bigger, richer, older city. But this doesn’t excuse Toronto’s transit backwardness, and the squandered millions on dedicated streetcar lines that make main roads awkward for cars and pedestrians. Ride subways in New York (a bit grungy but efficient), Barcelona and Paris and you wonder where we went wrong. What TTC honcho, mayor or consultant had romantic delusions about streetcars, and inflicted a mode of transit now only popular in second-tier towns and struggling formerly Communist countries?

It’s not only streetcars that have derailed us. There’s our phobia for urban density that has, until recently, made transit less cost efficient; a belief that if we made using cars difficult, people would use transit; and an assumption that bikes could solve our transit deficiencies if streetcars didn’t.

This is the ultimate in mistaking symptoms and causes, really. Browne posits that our love of streetcars–plus, incidentally, Toronto’s 60-year history of bad planning and sprawl encouragement–is keeping us from building subways. Of course, the opposite is true. Our car-and-suburb industrial policy makes any form of mass transit more expensive than a streetcar line totally uneconomical. The idea that transit-loving politicians like David Miller or Adam Giambrone wouldn’t have loved to build subways to everywhere if they could afford it doesn’t actually deserve a response, does it?

Yes, anyone who’s travelled to New York, or London, or Paris, can attest to how much better their subways are. The fact is these cities have totally different, and more generous, funding arrangements with their governments. Let’s take Paris: this winter, as Dalton McGuinty was blandly agreeing to let Toronto pitch LRT in the ash heap, the French national government was committing to spend C$13.6 billion on a major subway expansion in Paris, matched by a similar amount in property taxes and another C$15 billion from lower levels of government and the regional transit authority. That’s a grand total of C$45 billion.

Meanwhile, the Federal government in Canada is basically absent on transit, and the province of Ontario committed only $8 billion for all of Transit City. Unless subway cultists can come up with some reasonable scenario in which the Governments of Canada and Ontario suddenly quintuple the amount of money they allocate for transit in this city, maybe leave the international comparisons at the door.

And because I can’t resist one parting shot, Browne again:

It’s not too late for us in Toronto. Maybe we’ll transform the King Street streetcar line into a subway and let development intensify along its route.

This is the kind of thing that could only be written by someone who’s always used transit but never so much as done an idle Google about it. Adding a downtown subway line to relieve the pressure on the Bloor-Yonge isn’t a new idea. The idea is called the “Downtown Relief Line”, and it’s got its own webpage and everything. But they usually suggest putting its east-west chunk on Queen, or the rail lands, and not King. It’s this attention to detail that gets you published in the big papers, kids.

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment